Political partisans are always dreaming of final victories. Each election raises the hope of realignment-a convergence of issues and demographics and personalities that will deliver a lock on power to one side or the other. In my lifetime, at least five "permanent" majorities have come and gone. President Lyndon B. Johnson's landslide triumph over Barry Goldwater in 1964 seemed to ratify the postwar liberal consensus and doom the Republican Party to irrelevance until, four years later, Richard Nixon's narrow win augured an "emerging Republican majority" (the title of a book by his adviser Kevin Phillips) based in the white, suburban Sun Belt. In 1976, Jimmy Carter heralded a winning interracial politics called "the Carter coalition," which proved even shorter-lived than his presidency. With Ronald Reagan, the conservative ascendancy really did seem perpetual. After the Republican victory in the 2002 midterm elections, George W. Bush's operative Karl Rove floated the idea of a majority lasting a generation or two.
But around the same time, the writers John B. Judis and Ruy Teixeira published The Emerging Democratic Majority, which predicted a decades-long advantage for the party of educated professionals, single women, younger voters, and the coming minority majority. The embodiment of their thesis soon appeared in Barack Obama-only to be followed by Donald Trump and the revenge of the white working class, a large plurality that has refused to fade away.
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