AAM AADMI PARTY (AAP) leader Arvind Kejriwal is undoubtedly the frontrunner for the Chief Minister’s post in the upcoming Assembly election in the National Capital Region (NCR). The word on the street is that he might win comfortably as even the Bharatiya Janata Party’s (BJP) supporters, who vote for Prime Minister Narendra Modi at the national level, want “a Kejriwal” to hold the fort in Delhi. The BJP does not have a credible chief ministerial candidate, and this is a major reason for such tactical voting. Delhi’s most popular BJP leader at the moment is the Delhi unit chief and former Bhojpuri actor Manoj Tiwari. He is seen as not good enough to change the BJP’s fortunes.
A staunch BJP supporter explained why he would vote for the local AAP candidate: “Even if I were to discount his [Manoj Tiwari’s] theatrics and ignore the fact that he is a singer and dancer, he is not from here [Delhi]. He has no real connection with the people of Delhi and does not understand the issues.”
Voters do not take seriously Tiwari’s election promise of providing “five times more relief” on electricity and water charges than what is available under the AAP government. One voter, who dismissed Tiwari’s statements as “bakwaas” (rubbish), said: “Currently we are getting electricity for free [up to 200 units]. What does he mean by five times free?”
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How Not To Handle An Epidemic
The lockdowns were meant to buy time to put in place appropriate health measures and contain the coronavirus’ spread, but they have failed to achieve the objective and heaped immense misery on the marginalised sections of society. India is still in the exponential phase of the COVID-19 infection and community transmission is a reality that the government refuses to accept.
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Sarpanchs as game changers
Odisha manages to keep COVID-19 well under control because of the strong participation of panchayati raj institutions and the community at the grass-roots level under the leadership of Chief Minister Naveen Patnaik.
Scapegoating China
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New worries
Kerala’s measured approach to the pandemic and lockdown has yielded results. But it still has to grapple with their huge economic impact on its economy, which it feels the Centre’s special financial relief package does little to alleviate.
No love lost for labour
Taking advantage of the lockdown and the inability of workers to organise protests, many State governments introduce sweeping changes to labour laws to the detriment of workers on the pretext of reviving production and boosting the economy.
Capital's Malthusian moment
In a world that needs substantial reorienting of production and distribution, Indian capital is resorting to a militant form of moribund neoliberalism to overcome its current crisis. In this pursuit of profit, it is ready and willing to throw into mortal peril millions whom it adjudicates as not worth their means—an admixture of social Darwinism born of capital’s avarice and brutalism spawned by Hindutva. .
Understanding migration
When governments and their plans are found to be blatantly wanting in addressing reverse migration, exercises such as the Ekta Parishad’s survey of migrant workers throughout India can be useful to work out creative long-lasting solutions.
Waiting for Jabalpur moment
The Supreme Court’s role in ensuring executive accountability during the ongoing lockdown leaves much to be desired. Standing in shining contrast is the record of some High Courts.
An empty package
The Modi regime, which has been unable to control the COVID-19 infection, restore economic activity and provide relief to millions exposed to starvation, trains its sights on Indian democracy, making use of the panic generated by fear and a lockdown that forecloses paths of resistance.
