COUNT AND WIN

The opposition feels that in caste census and proportional representation, they have a powerful counter to the BJP's winning formula of hindutva, welfare and caste combination

- SONI MISHRA

On August 7, 1990, Prime Minister V.P. Singh, driven by his own set of political difficulties, announced in Parliament that the Mandal Commission’s recommendations for reservation for Other Backward Classes would be implemented. It was a turning point for the Indian political system, marking the advent of what came to be known as Mandal politics that was centred on the interests of the backward-class voter and transforming the nature of electoral politics with the rise of leaders like Mulayam Singh Yadav, Lalu Prasad, Nitish Kumar and Sharad Yadav.

Three decades later, the country, which is on the cusp of a general election, is witnessing the return of Mandal politics. There is a growing clamour for a caste-based census, with the opposition parties seeking to make it their main election plank. Leaders of the opposition alliance have stressed on carrying out a caste-based census and raising the 50 per cent ceiling on reservation. The results of the caste-based survey carried out in Bihar, which pegs the number of extremely backward classes and other backward classes together at 63 per cent, provide a statistical basis for the demands being made for proportionate reservation and a caste count at the national level.

The last time a caste census was held was in 1931. The Mandal Commission’s recommendations are also based on figures extrapolated from that data. A major point of argument in favour of a caste census is that schemes and affirmative action today are based on outdated figures. OBC leaders believe that their share of the population could be around 60 per cent of the country’s total, and some say it could even be more than 70 per cent. A simmering demand for representation based on current figures now appears to have taken the form of an idea that is irresistible, both socially and politically.