Over Caste

The results in the state are a definite nod to its changing voter profile, which does not respond to older caste templates

- Puja Awasthi

There were two strong sentiments across Uttar Pradesh, throughout the seven-phase election. The first was that the country’s international stature had grown in the aftermath of the Balakot air strike. The second was the perception that everyone in the state had something—be it a gas connection or a toilet—and that something was better than nothing. As the results unfolded, it seemed that though the state’s principal opposition of the Bahujan Samajwadi Party-Samajwadi Party-Rashtriya Lok Dal alliance (mahagathbandhan) and the Congress had read these sentiments, it had not gauged their severity.

The foundation for BJP’s 2014 encore in the state could have been laid in the loss of the 2018 byelections, in which the party lost the seats of Phulpur, Kairana and Gorakhpur. In its immediate aftermath, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) lent greater urgency to its activities in the state. There was a rapid increase in the number of shakhas—especially in the east and west. Booth-level coordination committees were set up and members fanned out to spread word about central government schemes, while ensuring that the dalit and OBC vote remained within the party fold.

The state’s results are a definite nod to its changing voter profile, which does not respond to older caste templates. First-time voters and women do not seem to have bowed to family and community diktats. A senior SP leader from east UP told THE WEEK: “Large parts of the state have electricity for the first time. If entertainment is more accessible, so is the news. Aspirations are realigning.”